Home to Texas (The Civil War Series Book 3)

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But it makes for a powerful backdrop in one of the best Westerns ever made. The most recent Steven Spielberg film is also one of the most deliberate and thoughtful in his catalogue. Day-Lewis gives another tour de force performance—in ironically a historic personage his Gangs of New York character despised—as a folksy and elaborately researched rendering of the president that preserved the Union and ended the institution that threatened it so greatly. During this period, Lincoln outmaneuvered the pro-slavery Democrats in Congress and incalculably passed the 13 th Amendment.

Lincoln correctly points out that as the war was winding down, the president recognized this and used his political clout, and some less than honest sausage making, to end slavery once and for all.

12. The Red Badge of Courage (1951)

Written by one of the deans of Texas history, Civil War Texas provides an books with Prime Book Box, a subscription that delivers new books every 1, 2, or 3. The Civil War: A Narrative: Volume 1 Fort Sumter to Perryville with Jefferson Discover delightful children's books with Prime Book Box, a subscription that.

By studying only a narrow timeline, Lincoln casts a large shadow about the political brilliance of its subject while demystifying the time and acrimony in which he lived. Maxwell had much better success at recreating a Civil War saga with Gettysburg , an epic version of the battle that turned the tides of the Civil War. Divided over three days between three points-of-view, primarily John Buford, Joshua Chamberlain, and James Longstreet respectively , Gettysburg is either the most faithful rendering of a battle onscreen or the greatest effort at a reenactment ever assembled.

As the literal center stage for rising tensions during the Antebellum period before the war, including with the Bleeding of Kansas and the famed Missouri Compromise, these areas were too removed from the armies fighting along the east coast to significantly matter. Instead, neighbors slaughtered neighbors based upon political persuasions. It was guerrilla warfare between Americans. By joining the Bushwhackers Confederate sympathizers they fought as insurgents against their Jayhawk neighbors Union ones.

Ergo, Jake must be a Bushwhacker. The most interesting character in the film is Holt, who fights alongside these boys even after Clyde dies, providing an enigmatic figure that despises the Bushwhacker cause but shows a kinship with the ones who set him free. Eventually, the banality of violence is brought to a tipping when William Quantrill leads all of the above on his infamous ride to Lawrence, Kansas where stationed Union soldiers, free black citizens, and just about any male old enough to pick up a rifle is executed.

A dense drama, it deserves more recognition than it has known. The most famous film about the Civil War, Gone with the Wind also represents why there are so few quality ones being made. Selznick labored to make the most sweeping epic ever realized, and quite frankly succeeded with a film that still holds the record for the most tickets ever sold to a moving picture sorry, Avatar and Avengers fans.

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Yes, like the much more abhorrent Birth of a Nation before it, Gone with the Wind rewrites the history of the Civil War to be one of Southern aggrievement, whitewashing the horrors of slavery along the way. Such Southern revisionism is ironically why Hollywood shied away from the subject years later, but it served as a monument to it here. Scarlett goes from apathetic reveler to destitute survivor to triumphant schemer.

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Robert Gould Shaw commanded the 54 th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry into only one full-fledged battle before he lost his life and the 54 th lost over half their numbers. But it was one gallant rush that has been eulogized and memorialized for generations. Indeed, it was also a nigh suicide mission issued to the first African-American infantry by the U. A multitude of experiences led to that fateful day outside of Fort Wagner, both for escaped slaves and free men, and all are explored and viscerally felt here. The extension of slavery into new territories and states had been an issue as far back as the Northwest Ordinance of When the slave territory of Missouri sought statehood in , Congress debated for two years before arriving upon the Missouri Compromise of The end of the Mexican-American War in and the roughly , square miles 1.

More and more Northerners, driven by a sense of morality or an interest in protecting free labour, came to believe, in the s, that bondage needed to be eradicated. White Southerners feared that limiting the expansion of slavery would consign the institution to certain death. Over the course of the decade, the two sides became increasingly polarized and politicians less able to contain the dispute through compromise.

When Abraham Lincoln , the candidate of the explicitly antislavery Republican Party , won the presidential election , seven Southern states South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas carried out their threat and seceded, organizing as the Confederate States of America. In the early morning hours of April 12, , rebels opened fire on Fort Sumter, at the entrance to the harbour of Charleston , South Carolina.

Curiously, this first encounter of what would be the bloodiest war in the history of the United States claimed no victims.

King Cotton diplomacy

After a hour bombardment, Maj. Robert Anderson surrendered his command of about 85 soldiers to some 5, besieging Confederate troops under P. With war upon the land, President Lincoln called for 75, militiamen to serve for three months. Confederate: Lerner Overall, it is clear that the North did a far better job of mobilizing the economic resources needed to carry on the war.

The greater sophistication and size of Northern markets meant that the Union government could call upon institutional arrangements that allowed for a more efficient system of redirecting resources into wartime production than was possible in the South.

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The Confederates depended far more upon outside resources and direct intervention in the production of goods and services for their war effort, and in the end the domestic economy could not bear up under the strain of the effort. It is worth noting in this regard, that the Union blockade, which by had largely closed down not only the external trade of the South with Europe, but also the coastal trade that had been an important element in the antebellum transportation system, may have played a more crucial part in bringing about the eventual collapse of the Southern war effort than is often recognized Ransom It is easy to see why contemporaries believed that the Civil War was a watershed event in American History.

With a cost of billions of dollars and , men killed, slavery had been abolished and the Union had been preserved.

Economic historians viewing the event fifty years later could note that the half-century following the Civil War had been a period of extraordinary growth and expansion of the American economy. Recent quantitative research, he argued, showed that the war had actually slowed the rate of industrial growth. The major thrust of these arguments was that neither the war nor the legislation was necessary for industrialization — which was already well underway by Had there been no war, these critics argued, the trajectory of economic growth that emerged after would have done so anyway.

Clearly the Beards and Hacker were in error in their claim that industrial growth accelerated during the war. The Civil War, like most modern wars, involved a huge effort to mobilize resources to carry on the fight.

This had the effect of making it appear that the economy was expanding due to the production of military goods. However, Beard and Hacker — and a good many other historians — mistook this increased wartime activity as a net increase in output when in fact what happened is that resources were shifted away from consumer products towards wartime production Ransom Chapter 7. But what of the larger question of political change resulting from the war?

Critics of Beard and Hacker claimed that the Republican program would have eventually been enacted even if there been no war; hence the war was not a crucial turning point in economic development. The problem with this line of argument is that it completely misses the point of the Beard-Hacker argument.

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They would readily agree that in the absence of a war the Republican program of political economy would triumph — and that is why there was a war! Historians who argue that economic forces were an underlying cause of sectional conflicts go on to point out that war was probably the only way to settle those conflicts.

Whatever the effects of the war on industrial growth, economic historians agree that the war had a profound effect on the South. The destruction of slavery meant that the entire Southern economy had to be rebuilt. This turned out to be a monumental task; far larger than anyone at the time imagined. As noted above in the discussion of the indirect costs of the war, Southerners bore a disproportionate share of those costs and the burden persisted long after the war had ended.

The failure of the postbellum Southern economy to recover has spawned a huge literature that goes well beyond the effects of the war. Economic historians who have examined the immediate effects of the war have reached a few important conclusions. First, the idea that the South was physically destroyed by the fighting has been largely discarded. Second was the impact of emancipation. Slaveholders lost their enormous investment in slaves as a result of emancipation. Planters were consequently strapped for capital in the years immediately after the war, and this affected their options with regard to labor contracts with the freedmen and in their dealings with capital markets to obtain credit for the planting season.

The freedmen and their families responded to emancipation by withdrawing up to a third of their labor from the market. While they were able, for the most part, to cling to their landholdings, the ex-slaveholders were ultimately forced to break up the great plantations that had been the cornerstone of the antebellum Southern economy and rent small parcels of land to the freedmen under using a new form of rental contract — sharecropping. From a situation where tenancy was extremely rare, the South suddenly became an agricultural economy characterized by tenant farms.

The result was an economy that remained heavily committed not only to agriculture, but to the staple crop of cotton.

Crop output in the South fell dramatically at the end of the war, and had not yet recovered its antebellum level by Table 5 compares the economic growth of GNP in the United States with the gross crop output of the Southern states from to Over the last quarter of the nineteenth century, gross crop output in the South rose by about one percent per year at a time when the GNP of United States including the South was rising at twice that rate.

By the end of the century, Southern per capita income had fallen to roughly two-thirds the national level, and the South was locked in a cycle of poverty that lasted well into the twentieth century. How much of this failure was due solely to the war remains open to debate. Atack, Jeremy, and Peter Passell.